American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science by John Krige

By John Krige

In 1945, the U.S. was once not just the most powerful fiscal and army energy on the planet; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technological know-how and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the USA. They mobilized political and monetary help to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly conflict political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at clinical dominance via the usa may be visible as a kind of "consensual hegemony," concerning the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this inspiration to research a chain of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technological know-how Committee, and influential individuals of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations study. He information U.S. help for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's learn indicates how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet turned in a different way of keeping American management and "making the realm secure for democracy."

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Additional info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)

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As he said on 12 March, the risk to democracy came from economic distress and social disorder in countries with strong Communist parties. “The seeds of totalitarian regimes,” the president told the Congress, “are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope for a better life has died. ”11 Given the dramatic economic situation in Western Europe in the winter of 1946–47 and the growing strength of Communist parties in some countries, it was inevitable that the president would soon extend the scope of his aid program.

This was partly because it severely jeopardized their Monnet Plan for economic recovery, agreed by the French 24 Chapter 2 cabinet in January 1947. Monnet’s program called for France to replace Germany as the major steel producer on the Continent, using coal imported from the United States as well as coal extracted from Germany. 8 million tons agreed in March 1946) thus horrified Prime Minister Ramadier and his foreign minister, Georges Bidault. They were accused by the Communist left and the Gaullist right of sacrificing French recovery, at the behest of the Americans, to reconstruct the economic and military potential of the former enemy and occupying power.

R. 22 France’s security concerns and growing fears that Europe would fall under Soviet domination led the Truman administration to adopt new measures to impede Communist advances in Greece, France, and Italy. The Soviet Union, opposed to German self-government, its participation in the ERP, and its integration into the Western bloc, tightened its grip on its satellites. Moscow also encouraged domestic Communist parties to do all they could through strikes and social unrest to sabotage the Marshall Plan.

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